With the intention that there would be no other agreements without a gender perspective, the Women`s National Summit for Peace was held in Bogotá at the end of October 2013, where a national programme was consolidated in which about 500 women from 30 of the 32 departments were represented. Under the motto “las mujeres no queremos ser pactadas, sino ser pactantes” (Women do not want to be accepted, but to be covenanters), the 800 proposals that were built were handed over to the government delegation. The September 23 agreement on transitional justice was seen as the most important moment in the peace process so far, as it solved one of the most complicated problems through a formula satisfactory to both the guerrillas and the government, and restorative justice with alternative penalties for guerrillas and state agents who have committed crimes against humanity. combined with amnesty for those responsible for political crimes. With this agreement, the peace process was considered “irreversible”. The final agreement contains in its annexes the text of the amnesty law to be submitted to Congress. There would be three types of crimes: those that would be directly eligible for amnesty (those most closely linked to guerrilla membership), those that would never be eligible for amnesty, and others that would be defined as the JEP amnesty chamber (including drug trafficking and kidnapping). [112] [126] After the Five Years` War between Cushite Kandake, Amanirenas and August of Rome, a peace treaty was signed in 21/20 BC. J.-C. [15] [16] [17] Mediators were sent by Kush to Augustus, who was in Samos at the time. [18] An agreement between the two parties was mutually beneficial.

The Kushites were an independent regional power and did not appreciate their ability to pay tribute. The Romans also sought a quiet southern border for their desperately needed supplies of Egyptian grain, with no constant war obligations, and welcomed a friendly buffer state in a border region haunted by invading nomads. The Kushites also seem to have found nomads like the Blemmyes to be a problem. [19] The conditions were ripe for an agreement. During the negotiations, Augustus granted the Couchite envoys everything they demanded, and also cancelled the tribute previously demanded by Rome. [20] Premmis (Qasr Ibrim) and the areas north of Qasr Ibrim in the southern part of the Thirty-Mile Strip] were ceded to the Cushites. The Dodekaschoinos was established as a buffer zone and Roman troops were withdrawn to the ancient Greco-Ptolemaic border at Maharraqa. [21] The Roman Emperor Augustus signed the treaty with the Cushites on Samos. The colony bought from Rome peace and tranquility on its Egyptian border and increased the prestige of the Roman Emperor Augustus, demonstrated his skill and ability to negotiate peace without constant war, and to do business with the distant Cushites who had fought against his troops not long before. The respect that the Couchite envoys showed to the emperor, as the treaty also left a positive impression on other foreign ambassadors to Samos, including envoys from India, and strengthened Augustus` hand in future negotiations with the powerful Parthians. [22] The colony ushered in a period of peace between the two empires for about three centuries.

Widespread public frustration and disappointment with the peace process led to the election of Álvaro Uribe in May 2002 on a warmongering platform that opposed any future dialogue without prior cessation of hostilities and terrorist activities. As president, Uribe formalized these views in his Democratic Security Policy (seguridad democrática), which redefined the conflict against left-wing guerrillas as a war against terrorism and drug trafficking and promised to “relentlessly punish” acts of terrorism, break up terrorist organizations, and re-establish the state`s presence throughout the territory. [7] As an accompanying policy, Uribe adopted several individual and collective demobilization programs that promised pardons for political crimes and humanitarian aid for combatants who submitted to their conditions. These decrees and laws, together with the controversial Justice and Peace Law (2005), formed the legal basis for the demobilization of paramilitary groups between 2003 and 2006. .